As Bangkok heads towards the gubernatorial election on June 28, the race appears increasingly tilted in favour of…

As Bangkok heads towards the gubernatorial election on June 28, the race appears increasingly tilted in favour of former governor Chadchart Sittipunt, while the People’s Party (PP) candidate, Chaiwat Sathawornwichit, has struggled to convert his party’s electoral strength into support for his City Hall bid.

Recent opinion polls show Mr Chaiwat, who is campaigning under the slogan “Bangkok Made Easy”, trailing far behind Mr Chadchart despite the opposition party’s remarkable performance in Bangkok during the Feb 8 general election, when it swept all 33 parliamentary constituencies in the capital.

Mr Chadchart has also held his ground despite damaging allegations of irregularities and abuse of power during his first term as governor. Mr Chadchart stepped down almost a week before his term ended on May 21 to prepare his bid for a second term.

The latest National Institute of Development Administration (Nida) poll released this week placed Mr Chadchart comfortably ahead, with Mr Chaiwat a distant third.

The question on many observers’ lips is why.

One explanation may lie in a mismatch between the PP’s campaign messaging and the priorities of Bangkok voters.

For years, the PP and its predecessor movement built their appeal around the “big picture” — structural reform, political accountability, transparency, decentralisation and the fight against entrenched interests.

These themes resonated strongly in national elections, particularly among younger urban voters seeking political change. The party’s success was rooted in presenting itself as a force capable of transforming Thailand’s political and economic system.

However, gubernatorial elections are fundamentally different, a political source said.

Bangkok residents may support reformist politics nationally while demanding practical solutions locally. Polls consistently show that voters prioritise traffic congestion, public transport, flooding, safety, cleanliness and neighbourhood quality of life. These are immediate concerns that affect daily routines rather than abstract political debates.

This distinction helps explain why many voters appear willing to split their ballots. While the PP remains highly competitive in Bangkok Metropolitan Council races, support for Mr Chaiwat himself has lagged significantly behind support for the party brand.

The campaign’s messaging may be partly responsible.

Since launching his candidacy, Mr Chaiwat has argued that transparency, anti-corruption measures and the use of technology and artificial intelligence are essential to improving governance. These are important issues and align closely with the PP’s broader political identity.

Yet voters may not view them as the most urgent issues facing the city.

A notable example was Mr Chaiwat’s attempt to frame Bangkok’s chronic flooding problem as a consequence of social inequality. The argument reflects a broader progressive analysis linking infrastructure outcomes to unequal access to resources and political power. From an academic or ideological perspective, the argument is not without merit.

But for many Bangkok residents standing ankle-deep in floodwater after a storm, the more immediate questions are practical: Why is drainage failing? How quickly can water be removed? Which canals need dredging? How can traffic disruption be minimised?

In other words, voters may care less about the structural causes of flooding than about who can fix the problem.

This is where Mr Chadchart enjoys a distinct advantage, according to an observer.

Over the past four years, the incumbent has cultivated an image as a hands-on manager focused on solving everyday urban problems. His administration’s reputation has been built less on ideology than on visible execution, whether through drainage improvements, neighbourhood infrastructure, public spaces or responsiveness to citizens’ complaints.

Even among voters who identify politically with the People's Party, many continue to view Mr Chadchart as an effective city administrator.

The obstacle for Mr Chaiwat is that he entered the race carrying the weight of a national political movement while contesting an election centred on municipal governance.

Many of his campaign themes revolve around changing systems rather than improving city services, the observer said.

This has allowed Mr Chadchart to occupy the political centre ground. Instead of defending his record against a competing vision for city management, he has largely been able to campaign on continuity and competence. Polling suggests many voters already believe the outcome is predictable, a perception that further benefits the incumbent.

Another factor is voter expectations regarding the governor’s role, according to the observer.

Research and polling indicate that many Bangkok residents prefer an independent governor rather than one closely tied to partisan politics. Voters appear to view the governor primarily as a manager rather than a political figure, valuing efficiency and pragmatism over ideological alignment.

This dynamic creates a structural disadvantage for party-backed candidates, particularly those associated with strong political brands.

The PP’s greatest strength nationally — its clear ideological identity — may become a constraint in a local election where voters prioritise administrative competence and tangible results.

None of this means Mr Chaiwat’s campaign is doomed. Elections can shift quickly, and the PP retains a substantial organisational network in Bangkok. Moreover, issues such as transparency and budget accountability could gain traction if connected more directly to everyday municipal services.

But if the party hopes to narrow the gap before polling day, it may need to recalibrate its message, the observer said.

Rather than dwelling on broad structural critiques, the campaign could focus more aggressively on concrete promises: reducing commute times, improving drainage, enhancing pedestrian safety, upgrading local infrastructure and delivering measurable service improvements district by district.

The lesson from the campaign so far is that Bangkok voters appear to distinguish between the politics of reform and the politics of administration.

The PP has long excelled at articulating why Thailand needs change. The challenge facing Mr Chaiwat now is persuading voters that he can solve tomorrow morning’s traffic jam, prevent the next flood and improve the quality of life on their street.

Until that message becomes clearer, the momentum is likely to remain with Mr Chadchart.

Chaichanok Chidchob, the son of Bhumjaithai patriarch Newin, is seen as a future leader.

Tougher test awaits

Being a cabinet minister means working under intense public scrutiny. For Digital Economy and Society (DES) Minister Chaichanok Chidchob, however, that scrutiny appears even greater than that faced by many of his cabinet colleagues.

As the son of Bhumjaithai Party patriarch Newin Chidchob, Mr Chaichanok is widely seen as one of the party’s future leaders.

Unlike many young politicians who gradually rise through local politics and party ranks, he entered national politics carrying both the advantages and burdens of being a political heir.

One of those burdens is the expectation that political heirs must prove themselves rather than rely on family networks and political connections.

Mr Chaichanok’s appointment as DES minister has been closely watched from the outset.

The ministry oversees one of the government’s key economic portfolios, with responsibility for driving the country’s digital transformation, expanding communications infrastructure and strengthening cybersecurity.

The young minister has found himself under increasing scrutiny over his educational background.

According to publicly available information, he studied at Millfield Preparatory School in the United Kingdom before enrolling in a financial economics programme at the University of London.

Critics and some media outlets have noted the absence of a clear public record showing where he completed high school and questioned how he gained admission to the university.

Mr Chaichanok later acknowledged that although he attended university in the UK, he did not complete his studies there. He said he completed his secondary education in Britain and later earned a bachelor’s degree in political science from Chalermkarnchana University in Buri Ram.

Yuttaporn Issarachai, a political scientist at Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University, said such scrutiny by the media or members of parliament should not be viewed as political harassment.

While the constitution does not require MPs to hold university degrees, cabinet ministers must possess at least a bachelor’s degree, he noted, adding that ministers’ qualifications are a legitimate matter of public interest.

“When questions arise about where someone completed secondary education or what qualifications were used to gain admission to university, those questions deserve clear answers,” Mr Yuttaporn said.

Yet questions over Mr Chaichanok’s educational background may not be the biggest challenge facing the minister.

A more pressing controversy concerns the 1.6-billion-baht TH-AI Passport project, one of the flagship initiatives under the DES Ministry.

The first phase involves spending about 1.6 billion baht to provide five million Thais with access to professional and premium generative artificial intelligence tools. A second phase, estimated to cost a further 900 million baht, aims to expand the number of AI-skilled users nationwide.

Critics have questioned both the project’s cost and the procurement process, arguing that spending on this scale warrants close scrutiny.

The ministry’s recent public consultation forum has also drawn criticism from opponents who argue it was intended to justify a decision that had already been made.

Some have called for the project to be redesigned, with greater emphasis on supporting local AI developers and entrepreneurs rather than subsidising access to existing AI services for millions of users.

The opposition People’s Party, which has led scrutiny of the project, said the tender period lasted only 34 days, far shorter than is typical for projects of this size.

It also alleged that some bidding specifications appeared tailored to favour certain companies.

According to the party, a kick-off document linked to the project may have been created by a private company on Oct 27 last year, weeks before the DES Ministry held a public hearing on Dec 15 and opened bidding later that month.

The timeline suggested preparations may have begun before the formal procurement process was launched, prompting the People's Party to threaten a complaint to the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC).

Mr Chaichanok has defended the project and insisted he played no role in the procurement process.

He also acknowledged knowing the winning bidder before the tender began, but said this did not influence the outcome.

Other concerns have centred on requirements for advertising placements at convenience stores and airports, which critics said resembled specifications used in another government project under a different ministry.

For a politician regarded as one of Bhumjaithai’s future leaders, the issue is now less about where he studied than how he responds to controversies that arise under his watch.

Judging by the criticism surrounding the TH-AI Passport project, the scrutiny is unlikely to fade any time soon.