The rural vote has become one of the fiercest battlegrounds of Election 2026, despite farming no longer being the backbone of the country's economy.
If politics is all about numbers, this is a somewhat puzzling equation.
Just four percent of New Zealanders work in farming, which is no longer considered the backbone of our economy.
So why are politicians, from all parties, fighting so fiercely for the rural vote?
Why, when it comes to political influence, does farming continue to punch well above its weight?
"Disproportionately influential" is how University of Otago professor Hugh Campbell sums it up for The Detail.
"That is how you describe the politics of farming, it's disproportionately influential in New Zealand," says Campbell, who specialises in agriculture and food.
For decades, he says, farming was New Zealand.
Back in the 1950s, pastoral farming generated more than 90 percent of our export earnings.
Today, farming remains hugely important - but it no longer dominates the economy.
Which makes what is happening politically all the more fascinating, says Campbell, who was quick to point out that it's more of a battle on the political right.
"I don't think the Green Party or Labour Party seriously think they have votes in farming New Zealand. So really, we're talking about a battle between National and Act, but increasingly New Zealand First is getting in on the act as well."
For decades, the National Party owned rural New Zealand. But in recent years, ACT's rise has disrupted that dominance.
Now New Zealand First has surged past ACT to become the second most popular party among rural voters, according to Federated Farmers polling.
That political tug-of-war was on full display at Fieldays.
For four days, New Zealand's biggest agricultural event became something resembling an unofficial campaign launch.
Sunday Star-Times senior journalist Stewart Sowman-Lund was there.
"All the parties converge on these communities," he tells The Detail. "They all want a little piece of that electoral pie."
He says the prime minister spent two full days working the crowds, shaking hands, taking selfies, joining video calls, and riding a golf cart through the thousands of visitors.
And government announcements came thick and fast - including $143 million aimed at helping farmers make more productive use of their land.
Officially, they were government announcements, but politically, "you couldn't help but feel they were campaign announcements at the same time", says Sowman-Lund.
New Zealand First, he says, also engaged the farming community, but deputy leader Shane Jones was talking less about farming itself and more about rural New Zealand - roads, telecommunications, infrastructure and investment.
It's a strategy Sowman-Lund believes is resonating beyond the farm gate.
"It isn't just farmers," he says. "It's people who live and work in those communities."
New Zealand First is also pushing back against environmental constraints while advocating for mining and renewed oil and gas exploration, while ACT is positioning itself as the party willing to fight climate regulations on behalf of farmers.
And now the prime minister has suggested New Zealand won't pay penalties if it misses its Paris climate commitments.
Campbell believes National has been dragged further to the right by its coalition partners.
But he says this isn't simply about winning over farmers; instead, it's about speaking to a much larger audience.
"One of the reasons why political parties on the right pay attention to the farming vote is not necessarily that the four percent of New Zealanders who are farmers are the crown jewel in the voting booth," Campbell says.
"It's what happens in farming, because farmers are very organised, their politicians are very vocal, they do big high-profile protest actions, they get a lot of media coverage from such a small segment of the population."
It reinforces the idea that rural New Zealand represents something bigger than itself, and perhaps helps explain why farming continues to enjoy "remarkable representation" in Parliament.
Campbell says while only about four percent of Kiwis work in farming, about 12 percent of MPs come from farming backgrounds. That's three times their share of the population.
And it's a legacy that stretches back generations.
"It links us to our past," Campbell says. "It still resonates with a large section of New Zealand society."
But despite all the attention, Sowman-Lund doesn't believe the election will ultimately be won in rural New Zealand.
"Auckland is still where elections are won and lost," he says.
"But I think that Fieldays effectively felt like the start of the campaign, and so it's going to be interesting to see how much time parties choose to spend outside of Wellington as they hit the road."
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